By Finian Cunningham
UK Foreign Secretary William Hague gave notice this week that the British government is to step up state-sponsored terrorism in Syria.
He was speaking on behalf of the Orwellian-named group, the Friends of Syria, which is more accurately known as the “Fiends of Syria.”
Given that the Syrian government is winning the conflict against foreign-backed mercenaries, Hague’s call for more violence is most likely a last throw of the dice for the Western powers.
After Hague’s meeting in London with the other state sponsors of covert terrorism in Syria, including the US, France, Saudi Arabia and Turkey, the British foreign secretary said: “We’ve also agreed unanimously to take further steps together through a coordinated strategy to increase our support for the moderate opposition, the national coalition and for its supreme military council and associated moderate armed groups.”
Forget the British verbiage, the key words here are “increase our support for armed groups.”
That means more terrorism: assassinations, decapitations and no-warning car bombings in civilian areas, carried out by the foreign-backed mercenaries for Western regime change in Syria. An estimated 150,000 people, mainly civilians, have been killed over the past three years in the Western-backed terror campaign to oust President Bashar al-Assad.
That campaign has evidently failed, but it’s not over yet.
American government-controlled Voice of America describes the latest Western “aid” as “training and logistical support to rebel [sic] fighters, along with military equipment and light weapons.” Again, forget the cynical verbiage. It all translates into increased Western terrorist killing power.
Last month, for example, in the Old City of Homs, before it was retaken this week by Syrian government forces, two double car bombs massacred at least 67 civilians there. Hundreds more were mutilated in those attacks. Tragically, more will follow on Western orders.
Syria’s national army may be gaining the decisive upper hand against the Western terror machine. But, despicably, before this war is finally won, we can expect more carnage and bloodshed. Hague and his state terrorist allies this week forewarned of it.
British covert state terrorism has a particular track record for car bombs against civilians. And with British Special Forces known to be operating inside Syria directing the terrorists, alongside American, French, Saudi, Israeli and Turk Special Forces, we can expect more car bomb horrors.
Recall the case in Iraq in September 2005 when two British SAS officers were caught red-handed in Basra by local Iraqi forces. The undercover British officers were driving a car loaded with explosives.
The SAS operatives were dressed in Arab clothes. It can be safely surmised that they were on a mission to blow up some target, a mosque or a market, in order to fuel the sectarian violence between Sunni and Shia that was raging then under the US-led military occupation of that country.
This week, as Hague was speaking of ramping up violence in Syria, marked the anniversary of another heinous British covert terror operation – this time in Ireland.
Forty years ago, on the 17 May 1974, a coordinated series of car bombs in Ireland claimed the lives of 33 civilians, including a nine-month pregnant woman and her unborn child.
Three bombs exploded almost simultaneously in the southern Irish capital, Dublin. The fourth bomb went off in the town of Monaghan, near the border with the British-occupied northern state.
The massacre became known as the Dublin-Monaghan bombings. It was the biggest single loss of life in the whole conflict, which was mainly confined to Northern Ireland, between 1968-1998.
Even in conflict-ravaged Ireland, the horror of the Dublin-Monaghan bombings continues to reverberate. The victims on that deadly day were mainly women and children. One family of young parents and their two toddler children was wiped out.
The no-warning bombs in Dublin exploded in busy pedestrian streets at around 5.30pm during rush hour. The intention was to inflict the maximum degree of human carnage. Bodies were strewn on streets, impaled with shrapnel. One young woman was found decapitated, and was only identified because of her shoes.
No one has ever been charged for this mass murder, yet the evidence of British state forces being involved is overwhelming. The pro-British loyalist militants who carried out the bombings have since been exposed as either members of the British security forces or as agents working for British army intelligence.
Investigative journalists Joe Tiernan and Paul Larkin, as well as a British television documentary series, have separately traced and named the loyalist bombers. They included such notorious figures as William McConnell, Robert Harris, Robin “The Jackal” Jackson, and the lead bomber Harris Boyle. All of them have since deceased. These killers formed what was known as The Glenanne Gang, which was involved in countless other assassinations against innocent civilians, mainly nationalist Catholics.
A former member of the Glenanne Gang, John Weir, has testified that the death squad was run by British army intelligence. Weir’s evidence is backed up by two high-ranking former members of British intelligence who were working in Northern Ireland during the 1970s – Colin Wallace and Captain Fred Holroyd. Both Wallace and Holroyd have independently affirmed that British intelligence was instrumental in carrying out the Dublin-Monaghan bombings.
In 2003, a judicial inquiry conducted by a southern Irish judge, Mr Henry Barron, concluded that British security forces and intelligence services “were likely” to have colluded in the massacre. Justice Barron could not make a definitive conclusion because the British government refused to cooperate with his inquiry by not handing over relevant intelligence files. The British excuse was the hackneyed one of “state security reasons.”
This week on the 40th anniversary of the atrocity survivors of the Dublin-Monaghan bombings and relatives of the dead filed a civil court action against the British government for its alleged responsibility in the killings. They could also take their case to the European Court of Justice because two of the victims in Dublin in 1974 happened to be Italian and French citizens.
Forty years on, the British government is still covering up and balking at a proper inquiry. That’s because of the devastating implications. The British state was most likely involved in an act of mass murder in May 1974; that state terrorism in a foreign jurisdiction was, in effect, an act of war; also the collusion of the British state in that one act of terrorism is only the top layer of a putrid can of worms, which reveals many other acts of mass murder sanctioned by the British during Ireland’s conflict.
As former British intelligence officer Colin Wallace told the BBC this week: “In 1984, along with Captain Fred Holroyd, I sent a complete file to [then Prime Minister] Margaret Thatcher – which then went missing. This is a jar of worms which nobody wants to open up -because it will reveal why these people who were connected to other killings were allowed to roam free for so long.”
What Wallace alludes to is Britain’s secret “dirty war” in Ireland.
Britain’s covert terrorism was part of a scheme to incite sectarian violence and chaos for its own political objectives. That involved committing acts of terrorism, including no-warning car bombs in civilian areas.
Today, the covert involvement of British forces in Syria, along with their other Western and Arab allies, is operating with the same nefarious techniques and purpose – to incite sectarian conflict and political chaos. Instead of British loyalist gangs as proxies, we see Takfiri gangs operating in Syria, but with the same British MI6, American CIA and Saudi intelligence handlers directing the terror traffic.
When William Hague talks this week from his polished London office with his polished British accent about stepping up military support in Syria what that really means is the official sanction of more horrendous civilian deaths and horrific human suffering.
No doubt the British expertise in the use of no-warning car bombs will be deployed with even more zeal. Their criminal track record speaks for itself.
Syrian civic groups should seek out Irish and Iraqi counterparts, and those of many other countries unfortunate to have experienced Britain’s dirty war methods. It wouldn’t surprise if former British colony Nigeria, under the present scourge of Boko Haram, were also added to that list.
Together a mass international legal action should be launched to hunt down the British state terrorists who masquerade with pinstripe suits and plum accents as government authorities.